Most of the clausal spine in Mandarin Chinese is rigidly head-initial, with the apparent exception of the set of sentence-final particles (SFPs). Previous work has analyzed SFPs as being head-final heads in the CP domain above a head-initial TP—an important apparent counterexample to Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts’ "Final Over Final Constraint." I contribute new data on the semantic scope of SFPs, leading to the conclusion that some SFPs must be lower in the clause, in a position that I identify with the lower phase edge, traditionally identified with vP. This work is important not only for our understanding of Chinese clause structure, but also for our understanding of the Final Over Final Constraint and its apparent exceptions.

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